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Fhotographic 

Sciences 

CorpcEation 


a')  VA<ST  MAIN  STMIT 

Mlli»STIR,N.Y.  MSN 

(716)t73-i>S03 


CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHM/ICIVIH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Instituta  for  Historical  Microraproductiona  /  inatitut  Canadian  da  microraproductions  hiatoriquaa 


.\ 


^^ 


% 


Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notas/Notas  tachniquaa  at  bibliographiquas 


Tha  Inatituta  haa  attamptad  to  obtain  tha  baat 
original  copy  availabia  for  filming.  Faaturaa  of  thia 
copy  which  may  ba  bibliographically  uniqua, 
which  may  altar  any  of  tha  imagaa  in  tha 
raproduction,  or  which  may  significantly  changa 
tha  usual  mathod  of  filming,  ara  chackad  balow. 


G 


D 


D 

D 
D 


D 


Colourad  covars/ 
Couvartura  da  coulaur 


I     I    Covars  damagad/ 


Couvartura  andommagie 


Covars  rastorad  and/or  laminatad/ 
Couvartura  r«staur6a  et/ou  palliculAa 


r~1   Cover  title  missing/ 


Le  titre  de  couverture  manque 


I     I    Coloured  maps/ 


Cartes  g^ographiques  en  couleur 


□    Coloured  ink  (i.e.  other  than  blue  or  black)/ 
Encre  de  couleur  (i.e.  autre  que  bleue  ou  noire) 


n 


Coloured  plates  and/or  illustrations/ 
PInnches  et/ou  illustrations  en  couleur 


Bound  with  other  material/ 
Reli6  avac  d'autres  documents 

Tight  binding  may  cause  shadows  or  distortion 
along  interior  margin/ 

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Blank  leaves  added  during  restoration  may 
appear  within  the  text.  Whenever  possible,  these 
have  been  omitted  from  filming/ 
II  se  peut  que  certaines  pages  blanches  ajouttes 
lors  d'une  restauration  apparaissant  dans  la  texte, 
muis,  lorsque  cela  6tait  possible,  ces  pages  n'ont 
pas  4t6  fiimias. 

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point  de  vue  bibliographique,  qui  peuvent  modifier 
une  image  reproduite.  ou  qui  peuvent  exiger  une 
modification  dans  la  mithoda  normaia  da  filmage 
sont  indiqute  ci-dessous. 


I      I   Coloured  pages/ 


D 


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Pages  damaged/ 
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Pages  restored  and/oi 

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I     I  Pages  detached/ 

I      I  Showthrough/ 

I      I  Quality  of  print  varies/ 

I      I  Includes  supplementary  material/ 

I — I  Only  edition  available/ 


Pages  wholly  or  partially  obscured  by  errata 
slips,  tissues,  etc..  have  been  ref limed  to 
ensure  the  best  possible  image/ 
Les  pages  totalement  ou  partiellement 
obscurcies  par  un  feuiilet  d'errata,  une  pelure. 
etc.,  ont  6t6  filmAes  A  nouveau  de  fapon  d 
obtenir  la  meilleure  image  possible. 


Th 
to 


Th 
po 
of 
fill 


Or 
ba 
th< 
ale 
oti 
fin 
ale 
or 


Th 
shi 
TH 
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Ml 
dif 
em 
bei 
rig 
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mi 


This  item  l\  filmed  at  the  reduction  ratio  checked  below/ 

Ce  document  est  film*  au  taux  de  rMuction  indiquA  ci-dessous. 

10X  14X  18X  22X 


26X 


30X 


y 


12X 


16X 


20X 


24X 


28X 


J2X 


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to  th«  o«n«ro«itv  df : 

Library  Divhion 

Provincial  Archival  of  British  Columbia 


L'axamplaira  film*  f ut  raproduit  grica  A  la 
gAnAroalt*  da: 

Library  Division 

Provincial  Archivat  of  British  Columbia 


Tha  imagaa  appaaring  hara  ara  tha  bast  quality 
potalbia  conaldaring  tha  condition  and  lagibillty 
of  tha  original  copy  and  in  kaaping  with  tha 
filming  contract  spacifications. 


Original  copias  in  printad  papar  covart  ara  filmad 
beginning  with  tha  front  covar  and  ending  on 
tha  last  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, or  the  beck  cover  when  appropriate.  All 
other  originel  copies  are  filmed  beginning  on  the 
first  pege  with  e  printed  or  illustreted  impres- 
sion, end  ending  on  the  lest  pege  with  e  printed 
or  illustreted  impression. 


The  lest  recorded  freme  on  each  microfiche 
shall  contain  the  symbol  — ^>  (meaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  the  symbol  V  (meaning  "END"). 
whichever  applies. 

Meps.  pistes,  cherts,  etc.,  mey  be  filmed  at 
different  reduction  retios.  Those  too  large  to  be 
entirely  included  in  one  exposure  are  filmed 
beginning  in  the  upper  left  hand  corner,  left  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  frames  as 
required.  The  following  diegrams  illustrate  the 
method: 


Lee  images  suhrantas  ont  Ati  raproduites  ovec  le 
plus  grand  soin.  compta  tenu  de  le  condition  et 
de  la  nattet*  de  reKomplaire  film*,  et  en 
conformitA  avac  las  conditions  du  cent  Jt  de 
filmege. 

Les  eMompleires  originaux  dont  la  couverture  en 
papier  est  imprimAe  sent  filmAs  en  commen^ant 
par  le  premier  plat  et  en  terminent  soit  per  le 
dernlAre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'iliustration.  soit  par  le  second 
plot,  selon  le  cas.  Tous  las  autres  exemplaires 
origineux  sont  filmte  en  commen^ant  par  la 
pramiAre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'iliustration  et  en  terminent  par 
la  darnlAre  pege  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 

Un  des  symboles  solvents  opparaltra  sur  la 
darniAre  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  le 
cas:  le  symbole  — »•  signifie  "A  SUIVRE".  le 
symbols  V  signifie  "FIN". 

Les  certes.  plenches.  tableeux.  etc..  peuvent  Atro 
filmAs  i  des  teux  de  rMuction  diffArents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  Atra 
raproduit  en  un  seul  clichA.  11  est  film*  A  psrtir 
de  I'engle  supArieur  geuche.  de  gauche  A  droite. 
et  de  haut  en  bes.  en  prenant  le  nombre 
d'imeges  nAcesseire.  Les  diogrammes  suivants 
illustrent  la  mAthode. 


1 

2 

3 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

Tf 


s 


V 


0^ 


I   LlN  TI 


\ 


SPEECH 


OF 


toN.  JOSEPH  A.  WOODAVAED 


OF  SOUTH  CAROLINA, 


ON 


THE  OREGON  QUESTION. 


, 


DELIVERED 


I^IN  THE  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES,  SATURDAY,  FEBRUARY  7,  1846  i 


r%         1 


WASHINGTON: 

PRINTED  BY  BLAIR  &  RIVES. 

1846. 


} 


It  Resolutini 
Afl'nirs,  requi 
Briuiin  of  tin 
terminate  the 
abro^Titie  the 
^•nsidcmtion 

Mr.  WOOD^ 

Ipws : 

Mr.  Chairm. 

e  muph  i)le 
Ijera,  in  the  a 
fluctice  their 
d|  perhaps,  t 

"brrasion ,  le 
e^'pnsent.  I 
\iks,p  and  del 
tt  that  opposi 
iStp  in  tne  ji 
^lenst ,  my  p 
Hmnn^  the 
t4he  other  s 
tuition,  that  1 
hiitc,  been  si 
tit  one  happe 
•fbre  the  com 
■  Bevcrity  in  tl 
settnd  the  can 

the  ireneral  t 
iddpch\mafio 
if  title  to  Ore 
y.to  the  Uii 
jAt  not  to  li 
:ttleiiicnts  the 
ntinj:  laws 
ghl  to  give  th 
3ntes  we  hav 
lUSt  be  defen 
uatter  iissaik 
ill  into  tlie  h 
osed  to  its  s 
ote  for  all  sue 
•eB-boino;  of  ( 
s  to  question  ' 
l«^  war,  eve 
m  at  ii  loss  t( 
iduri'd  gentle 
f  debate,  to  s 
b!e  false  issii 
iWfi  vehemenc 
id  and  injen 
u^icioii,  that 


i 


THE  OREGON   QUESTION. 


i 

M  Reaolution  frori  the  Cnmmittee  on  Foreign 
Afl'airs,  requirine:  the  President  to  notify  Great 
Brit^iin  of  the  intention  of  the  United  States  to 
terminate  the  joint  occupancy  of  Oregon,  and  to 
altrogutc  the  convention  of  1827,  Iteing  under 
.:«nsideration  in  Committee  of  the  Wliole — ^ 

Mr.  WOODWARD  addressed  the  committee  as 

Mr.  Chairman:  I  am  not  of  a  temperament  to 

e  much  jjleasure  in  addressing  argument  to 

tiers,  in  the  absence  of  all  hope  of  being  able  to 

fluctice  their  opinions,  or  control  their  notion; 

d,  perhaps,  tliere  never  was,  and  never  maybe, 

fbccasion,  less  favorable  to  such  hopes,  than 

ePj>nsent.     I  know  there  is,  in  tliis  committee, 

lil^gp  and  determinate  majority  opposed  to  me ; 

it  that  opposition  has  not  diMinished  my  confi- 

|itp  in  tlie  justness  of  my  views,  or  shaken,  in 

^east,  my  purpose  of  adhering  to  them. 

Among  tne  great  variety  of  matters  discussed, 

I  the  other  side  of  the  argument,  there  is  one 

t<fction,  that  has  not,  so  far  as  I  Imve  heard  the 

Bite,  been  so  fortunate  as  to  be  included;  and 

<i|one  happens  to  be  the  only  question  properly 

(Bre  the  committee.     There  may  be  something 

'•(Bverity  in  this  stricture,  but  I  appeal  to  the  jus- 

«iBnd  the  candor  of  my  opponents  to  bear  me  out 

the  general  truth  of  the  declaration.     We  have 

id  declamation  and  discourse,  interminable,  upon 

untitle  to  Oregon;  the  importance  of  that  coun- 

J^o   the  Union;  the  reasons  why  the  British 

tw»t  not  to  have  it;  the  propriety  of  promoting 

^tWenients  there;  the  duty  and  necessity  of  ex- 

nCng  laws  and  protection  to  the  settlers,  the 

ght  to  give  the  notice,  &c.,  Ac,  &c.     Who,  sir, 

3nfcs  we  have  rights  in  Oregon,  or  tliat  they 

lUSt  be  defended,  whenever,  or  from  whatever 

uarter  i\ssailed?     Who  desires   the   country  to 

ill  into  tlie  hands  of  the  British  .'    Who  is  op- 

o«ed   to  its  settlement?    Who  is  not  ready  to 

oW  for  all  such  laws,  as  may  be  essential  to  the 

•dH-bojng  of  our  people   there?     Who  so  stupid, 

»  to  question  the  right  to  give  the  notice,  or  to  de- 

1^  war,  even,  if  it  suits  vou  to  do  so?     Sir,  I 

n*  at  a  loss  to  conceive,  what  motive  could  have 

idlircd  gentlemen,  putting  aside  the  real  question 

f 'Rebate,  to  spring  upon  the  committee  innumer- 

bw  false  issues,  and   to  are:ue  them  with  a  sol- 

rifl»  vehemence,  positively  disgusting  to  the  can- 

iq  and   inircnuoua  mind.     Am  I  to  indulge  the 

picioii,  that  their  purpose  has  been  to  exhibit 


the  minority  in  a  false  light  before  the  country.'— 
to  put  them  in  a  position  they  nevi;r  meant  to  oc< 
cupy,  and  to  impute  to  them  sentiments  and  opin- 
ions they  never  entertained,  but  do  utterly  repu- 
diate? Tliis  might  be  considered  an  uncharita- 
ble suspicion — and,  of  course,  I  would  exempt 
from  it  all  who  might  be  entitled  to  escape  under 
the  plea  of  ignorance;  but  with  regard  to  those 
who  are  wise  and  discreet,  what  could  they  say, 
why  sentence  should  not  be  pronounced  upon 
them?  I  shall  not  undertake  to  affirm,  what  has 
been  the  object  of  this  most  extraordinary  discus- 
sion; but  I  have  no  hesitancy  in  saying  what  it 
has,  in  fact,  done:  It  has  perverted  and  falsified 
everything  it  has  touched.  It  has  sent  forth  no 
shining  light  to  the  country,  but  enveloped  every- 
thing in  darkness.  Its  only  tendency  has  been, 
to  produce  that  very  thing,  which  it  is  the  object 
of  fl-ee  discussion  to  destroy — ignorance.  Sir,  I 
choose  not  to  refrain  from  speaking  with  a  degree 
of  freedom  on  this  occasion.  Sentiments  of  pro- 
found indignation  impel  me. 

Mr.  Chairman,  let  us  see  what  is  the  quefition, 
this  committee  ought  to  have  been  discussing, 
and  to  which  my  friends  in  the  minority  have 
vainly  endeavored  to  draw  your  attention. 

We  have  a  convention  with  Great  Britain  for 
the  joint  use  and  occupancy  of  the  northwest  ter- 
ritory. That  convention  provides,  that  either 
party  may  annul  it,  by  giving  twelve  months'  no- 
tice to  the  other  party.  And  the  only  question 
before  the  committee,  upon  which  there  is  difler- 
ence  of  opinion,  is,  Shall  the  notice  be  given? 
So,  the  question  ia  merely  one  of  notice.  Nor 
does  it  involve  the  substance  of  notice,  but  only 
the  time.  All  are  agreed,  that  the  notice  should 
be  given,  at  some  period  not  very  remote.  But 
is  it  expedient,  is  it  good  policy,  to  give  it  at  the 
present  time?  I  think  it  is  not.  And  as  it  ia  pre- 
posterous to  pretend  that  national  honor,  or  dig- 
nity, or  essential  right,  is  involved  in  this  matter 
of  time,  I  maintain  that  considerations  of  good 
jiolicy  and  expediency  ought  to  direct  our  coun- 
cils, and  determine  our  action.  And  this,  sir,  ia 
the  issue  that  gentlemen  ought  to  have  met,  and 
which  the  honor  of  our  country,  and  the  welfare 
of  the  people,  made  it  their  duty  to  meet,  and  dis- 
cuss in  an  honest  and  statesmanlike  manner. 
And  dismissing  every  fceling  of  prejudice  from  my 
mind,  I  now  propose  to  express  some  views  upon 
this  question. 


Wc  nrc  not,  Mr.  Clinirmnn,  the  Rdvoratca  of 
total  inactivity  >ii  tiiis  sul)ject.  On  tiie  contrary, 
I  believe  the  nine  has  conic  when  it  is  proper  to 
adopt  such  measures  na  will  promote  the  settle- 
ment of  the  Ore^jon  territory,  and  f!:iv.  law  and 
i)rotection  to  our  people  there.  But  I  do  not  lie- 
ieve  the  time  has  yet  come  for  ahroj^ating  the 
convention  of  joint  occupancy. 

it  has  suited  the  vicwa  luiu  purposes  of  gentle- 
men, to  represent  this  policy  of  masterly  inactivity 
as  a  South  Carolina  schemi,';  as  thouj,'h  it  was  not 
adopted,  as  far  back  as  1818,  by  tho  united  coun- 
cils of  the  nation;  as  thoufjh.  after  an  experience 
often  years,  it  was  not  again  established  in  1827, 
by  a  unanimity  almost  unexampled;  a.s  thougli  it 
was  not  adhered  to  throughout  the  twelve  years 
of  Andrew  Jackson's  Administration,  and  that  of 
Mr.  Van  Burcn;  as  thoujjli  South  CaroUna  were 
doing  anything  more  than  advising  you  not  to 
disturb  whot  so  much  wisdom  and  disinterested 
patriotism  had  devised  and  sanctioned,  and  what 
so  long  a  period  of  time  had  proved  to  be  bene- 
ficial. You,  sir,  and  not  we,  are  proposing  inno- 
vations and  new  schemes  of  policy.  You  are  ad- 
Tising  to  set  at  naught  the  councils  that  have  en- 
dured throughout  five  Administrations; — the  wis- 
dom of  whicn  councils  was,  all  the  while,  so  self- 
evident  and  palpable,  that  the  cunning  selfishness 
of  party,  or  the  schemes  of  plotting  ambition, 
never  ventured  to  make  a  question  about  it;  anj 
I  am  at  a  loss  to  sec  what  else  ever  could  have 
made  a  question  about  it. 

Let  the  committee  follow  me  a  moment,  while  I 
give  a  brief  account  of  this  matter.  Gentlemen 
represent  Great  Britain  as  aiming  to  keep  off,  as 
long  as  possible,  this  question  of  notice;  and  our- 
selves, as  the  dupes  of  her  temporizing  policy, 
destined  to  be  caught  in  some  snare  she  has  laid 
in  the  future,  for  us.  I  deny  that  this  policy  is  of 
British  origin.  It  is  our  own,  both  in  its  begin- 
ning and  its  continuation.  The  first  conception  of 
it  we  find,  in  the  instmctions  §iven,  in  1818,  to 
Mr.  Rush,  at  that  time  our  Minister  at  the  Court 
of  St.  James.  It  was  the  desire  of  Lord  Castlc- 
reagh,  the  English  Minister,  that  the  conflicting 
claims  of  the  two  countries,  in  relation  to  the 
northwest  territory,  should  be  included  among  the 
subjects  of  negotiation,  then  pending  at  London, 
and  be  brought  to  a  final  adjustment.  Mr.  Rush 
sought  instructions  from  his  Government,  and  Mr. 
J.  Q,.  Adams,  then  Secretary  of  State,  in  his  in- 
structions to  Mr.  Rush,  for  the  first  time,  sets  forth 
distinctly  and  most  comprehensively  the  policy  of 
'  taking  Oregon  upon  time."  Alluding  to  .some 
things  proper  to  be  mentioned  by  Mr.  Rush  to 
Castlereagn,  in  regard  to  this  matter,  Mr.  Adams 
proceeds  as  follows: 

"  In  suggesting  these  ideos  to  Lord  Castlereagh, 

•  rather  in  conversation  than  any  more    formal 

•  manner,  it  may  be  proper  to  remark,  the  mi- 

•  nuteness  of  the  present  interest,  either  to  Great 
'  Britain  or  the  United  Jtntes,  involved  in  thiscon- 
'  cern,  and  the  unwillingness,  for  that  reason,  of 

•  this  Government,  to  include  it  among  the  objects 

•  of  serious  discussion  with  them.  At  the  same 
'  time  you  might  give  him  to  understand,  ihough 

•  not  unless  in  a  manner  to  avoid  everything  of- 

•  flensive  in  the  suggestion,  that  from  the  nature  of 

•  things,  if,  in  the  course  of  future  events,  it  (Ore- 

•  gon)  should  ever  become  an  object  of  serious  im- 


•  portancc  to  the  United  States,  it  ran  scarcely 

•  supposed,  tliut  Great  I'littiiii  would  find  it  u.^' 
'  or  advisaltli',  to  rrsistt  tiicir  claim,  to  jtosse-ss: 

•  l)y  synteiiialic  op]>OKiiioii." 

He  then  adds,  that  Groat  Britain  could  li 
•'  no  solid  inlin  .1 "  to  prevent  the  exMension  of 
territory  "until  all  possibility  of  doing  so,  ^: 
have  vanished." 

Here,  sir,  is  the  first  conception  of  the  i 
that  time  would  best  secure  our  rights  in  Ore-; 
and  by  recurring  to  tlic  language  of  our  Seereir 
(Mr.  Adams,)  it  might  be  inftTred  thai  he  ei, 
tained  some  doubts,  wliether  it  would  ever  ber^ 
an  object  of  iniportanre  to  the  United  States 
po8s>  ss  themselves  of  tliat  country.  But  I  ndi 
he  spoke  as  a  diplomatist. 

Now,  in  1818,  Great  Britain  was  in  the  exch 
and  udverse  possession  of  Oregon.  And  '^ct. 
high  a  value  did  our  diplomatist  set  on  the  ac 
of  time,  to  fortify  our  rights,  he  desired  to  a^ 
all  negotiations,  and  leave  to  Great  Britain  all 
advantage  which  exclusive  and  adverse  po.sses 
would  give  her  in  future  ne<jotiations.  He  thoi 
time  worth  more  to  us  than  exclusive,  adv 
possession  to  Great  Britain.  But  fortunatel' 
species  of  convention  was  hit  upon,  which,  w 
it  did  not  conflict  with  our  nolicy  of  procrasi 
lion,  gave  nothing  to  Great  Britain,  but  in  faci 
stroyed  the  adverse  character  of  her  possess 
and  prevented  the  legal  effect  of  such  a  posses 
in  future  negotiations  upon  the  title.  And 
gentlemen  tell  you  this  convention  was  a  scIp 
of  Great  Britain  to  advance  her  interest  and  uii 
mine  ours!  I  have  said.  Great  Britain,  in  p 
of  fact,  took  nothing  by  the  convention.  Her 
elusive  occupancy  was  a  state  of  things  pn 
istent  to  the  convention.  We  did  not  stipu 
for  the  purpose  of  occupying,  but,  simply, 
occupancy,  claimed  l)y  both  parties,  as  a  r 
prior  to,  and  independent  of,  convention,  sli' 
not  be  made  a  cause  of  quarrel.  You  will  : 
ceive,  therefore,  from  what  has  been  said  and  i 
ted,  our  diplnmati.^t,  so  far  from  being  disinci: 
to  the  convention,  was,  in  fact,  in  the  first  inst;i 
anxious  to  adopt  a  policy  far  less  to  our  advaiit 
that  is,  to  avoid  oil  negotiations,  and  leave  G 
Britain  in  exclusive  and  adverse  possession. 

Such,  sir,  was  the  beginning  of  this  policy,  I 
masterly  act  of  diplomacy;  and  who  amonir 
great  and  patriotic  men  of  tlie  day  disajiprovec 

Well,  sir,  in  1827,  the  term  of  the  conyentic 
1818  was  about  to  expire,  and  negotiations  v 
to  be  renewed:    Was  any  new  pcdicy  then  rec 
mended  by  the  venerable  gentleman  from  IM:i 
chusetts,  then  President  of  the  United  States? 
sir.     Notwithstanding  we  had  acquired  tho  tii 
Spain,  and,  perhaps,  supposed  we  ' -id  some 
son  to  feel  uulignant,  that  Great  Britain,  under 
new  state  of  the  question,  should  still  dispute  t; 
with  us,  the  stipulations  of  1818  were  renews 
1828;  and  I  have  yet  to  learn  that  the  peoj.!' 
not,  with  one  voice,  ajiprovo.     What  said  M 
son,  Monroe,  Gallatin,  Crawford,  Clay,  Low  i 
Clinton,  and  Van  Buren  ?  What  did  Andrew  .1 
I  .scm  say  r    At  this  time  the  second  contest  betv 
Mr.  Adams  and  General  Jackson  had  rcaclit .! 
highest  pitch  of  excitement.     The  whole  pi>l. 
■life  of  Mr.  .\danis  was  scrutinized  with  no  ' 
!  ings  of  indulgent  charity.     It  was  a  favorite  ( 
of  the  opposing  party  to  fix  upon  him  an  uiifi- • 


I 


5 


It  rnn  acnrcely 
loiiltl  find  it  u.v 
iiim,  to  poHsesH: 

Jrifnin  could  li 
ici'Xtnisioii  of 
of  diiiiig  so,  h 

'ptinn  of  the  i 
rifrhts  in  Oj-Pi; 

;c  of  our  Sccrctr 

■rrcd  thni  he  ci. 

woi'Id  evrr  her' 
United  Slatrs 

itry.    Cut  I  ndi 

«'as  in  the  excli 
;on.     And  "ct, 
8t  set  on  the  nc 
e  desired  to  a: 
rreat  Rritnin  all 
adverse  posses^ 
itions.  He  thot 
nxriusive,   adv 
Hut  foriunntel' 
ipon,  which,  w 
icy  of  |)rocri\st 
tain,  but  in  fuel   < 
of  her  possess 
"  such  a  poRsts 
lie  title.     And 
tion  was  a  sch' 
interest  and  ui: 
lit  Britain,  in  p  w^ 
ivcntion.     Her  4. 
!  of  ihinjTS  pn 
I  did  not  stipi! 
but,  simply, 
larties,  as   a  r 
onvention,  kIk 
;l.     You  will  I 
been  said  and  / 
n  bcinfj  disinci; 
n  the  first  insf;;: 
i  to  ouradvaiit 
is,  and  leave  G 
!  possession. 
)f  this  policy,' 
J  who  amont' 
ay  disajiprovci: 
fthe  convcntii' 
negotiations  v 
)()licy  then  rrc 
man  from  IM;' 
nited  States  ? 
nquircd  the  tit 
we  '"id  some- 
Hntnin,  under 
still  dispute  t: 
i  were  renewi 
:it  the  peojil< 
iVliat  said  M 
,  Clay,Lo\vi 
did  Andrew  } 
tl  contest  hetv 
1  had  reaclit.! 
le  whole  jiol. 
led  with  no  ' 
sa  favorite  c 
him  an  uiifr' 


linens  to  the  interests  of  hifl  own  counfr;-,  in  h'lis 
diplomatic  transactions.  Every  saying  aiid  doing 
of  his,  that  mii»;iit  be  worked  up  into  available  po- 
litical stock,  was  afisiduously  collected  and  exhib- 
ited in  bold  coloring  to  the  country.  And  yet,  I 
liave  never  lu-ard  that  the  treaty  of  1828,  which, 
ftistidious  gentlemen  now  say,  subjected  our  soil 
to  be  dishonored  by  Briti.<^h  footsteps,  was  brought 
forward  as  one  of  tlie  misdeeds  of  Mr.  Adams.  It 
was  never  once  oltjected,  that,  setting  no  value 
upon  the  newly  ac«|uired  title  of  Sjiam,  he  sanc- 
tioned «  treaty  in  lHf.'8,  no  more  favorable  to  his 
country  than  that  of  1818,  when  we  were  not  pos- 
sesued  of  the  Spanish  title. 

Nor  can  it  be  pretended  there  was  some  strange 
oversight  in  this  matter — that  it  was  kept  as  a 
Cal)inet  secret.  The  \v!ioIe  suluect  came  up  inci- 
dentally in  tliis  House,  :'nd  was  here  placed  before 
the  American  people;  and  what  said  James  K.  Polk 
on  that  occasion  ?  ♦'  Ry  dday  we  can  lose  nothing; 
by  acting  now  we  hazard  much."  The  subject 
directly  under  discussion  was  a  bill  extending  law 
to  Oregon,  and  authorizing  a  military  establish- 
ment at  the  mouth  of  the  Coliimltia  river;  but  not 
for  giving  this  ••  notice." 

In  connexion  with  the  treaty  of  1828,  there  is 
another  fact  not  to  be  overlooked.  Notwithstand- 
ing the  acquisition  of  the  Sjmnish  title,  and  the 
greatly-increased  wealth  and  strength  of  our  coun- 
try, wc  were  again  desirous  that  the  convention 
should  be  made  irrevocable  for  ten  years,  as  in 
1818.  But  the  British  Minister  objected.  Seeing 
liow  time  was  working  for  us  and  against  his  sov- 
ereign, he  insisted  on  the  right,  at  any  time,  to  ab- 
rogate the  convention,  by  giving  twelve  montlis' 
••  notice;"  and  this  was  the  British  part  of  the  pol- 
icy. Hut  it  is  not  at  all  surprising  that  this  fact 
should  be  overlooked  by  g<!ntlemen. 

In  1H29  Andrew  Jackson  took  the  Chair  of  State. 
Who  ever  suspected  Old  Hickory  of  being  afraid 
of  anything?  Or  who  ever  charged  him  with 
beins  on  the  British  side  of  any  question?  The 
dii>lomatic  transactions  of  1828  were  then  fresh. 
What  said  he  to  them  ?  Our  Oregon  interest  was 
committed  by  the  country  to  the  charge  and  keep- 
ing of  the  treaty-making  power.  He  was  the  great 
head  and  initiatory  functionary  of  that  power. 
There  was  a  noramount  ol)ligation  resting  on  him 
to  see  that  tlie  country  suffered  no  detriment  in 
this  matter.  Unless  he  acted  first,  no  one  el.se 
could  act  at  all;  and  he  had  it  in  his  power  to  cause 
the  notice  to  be  given  at  any  time.  But  through- 
out the  period  of  his  eight  years  of  public  service, 
and  the  four  years  of  Mr.  Van  Burcn,  which  fol- 
lowed, not  a  word  was  said  by  either  on  this  sub- 
ject, indeed,  the  Jackson  party,  in  the  year  1829, 
voted  d'lwn  the  bill  of  Governor  Floyd,  which 
went  no  furtlier  than  to  give  law  and  protection  to 
our  emigrants  to  Oregon;  and  I  am  proud  to  be 
al)le  to  say,  that  there  is  no  other  difference  be- 
tween General  Jackson  and  ourselves  on  this  sub- 
ject than  this:  while  he  was  not  only  unwilling  to 
give  I  lie  notice  himself,  l)ut  opposed,  also,  to  the 
ena'tment  of  any  laws  for  Oregon,  which  might 
indu'-e  Great  Britain  to  give  the  notice,  we  are  op- 
posed to  notice  only,  and  are  in  favor  of  laws. 
While  he  declined  both  to  give  notice,  or  to  take 
tiie  risk  of  receiving  it,  we  are  prepared  to  take 
th.1t  risk. 

Thus,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  have  given  a  brief  his- 


tory of  our  Oregon  policy.  I  have  shown  how  it 
has  been  approved  liy  all  our  statesmen,  patriot*, 
and  warriors;  by  the  people  and  the  politiciani; 
by  all  political  parties,  uniformly,  from  the  begin- 
ning to  a  very  recent  date;  when,  all  of  a  sudden, 
the  discovery  is  made,  that  it  is  an  anti- American 
policy;  that  it  is  dishonorable  to  the  country;  that 
It  has  tarnished  the  national  escutcheon,  and 
brought  a  very  pollution  upon  our  soil;  and  that 
all  who  advocate  it  are  f)n  the  British  side  of  the 

auestion  !    Sir,  what  is  the  vile  spirit  of  partisan 
emagogueism  not  capable  of! 
But  certain  gentlemen  have  come  to  the  high- 
minded  conclusion,  that  it  would  be  dishonest  to 
take  Oregon  by  operation  of  time  under  the  con- 
vention.    This  is  a  most  unaccountable  objection. 
The  conventiim  is  no  stipulation  for  mutual  favor 
or  advantage;  no  agreement  between  the  parties 
for  the  reciprocal  supj)ort  of  each  other's  rights  and 
interests.    It  is  in  the  nature  of  an  armistice.    Each 
nation  claimed  rights  prior  to,  and  independent  of, 
the  convention;  not  reciprocal,  but  adverse  and  an- 
tngonistical;  and  being  unable  to  adjust  the  diffi- 
culty, they  agreed  not  to  go  to  war,  but  to  forbear  for 
a  season.     I  say,  the  convention  was,  to  all  intents 
and  purposes,  an  armistice.     And  who  ever  heard 
that  an  armistice  disabled  the  parties  to  make  ready 
for  war?  or,  when  war  did  come,  made  it  dishon- 
orable for  them  to  use  any  advantage  that  time  or 
other  resource  had  placed  in  their  hands  ?    Sir,  the 
consideration  of  the  advantage  that  time  would 
bring  us,  was  the  only  consideration  that  induced 
us  to  enter  into  that  convention;  and  our  Minister  | 
openly  avowed  it.     Our  Secretary  instnictcd  Mr. 
Rush  to  say  to  Lord  Castlereaghj  of  course,  in  as  I 
polite  a  manner  as  possible,  ••  that  if,  in  the  course 
'  of  future  events,  it  [Oregon]  should  ever  become 
'an  object  of  importance  to  the  United  States,  it  I 
'could  scarcely  be  supposed  that  Great  Britain! 
'  would  find   it  useful  or  desirable  to  resist  theirl 
'  claims."     Castlereagh  saw  the  policy  of  the  Uni-| 
ted  States,  and  himself  predicted  it  would  be  suc- 
cessful in  the  end.     And  yet,  when  we  propose| 
to  avail  ourselves  of  the  only  consideration  that  in- 
duced us  to  enter  into  the  convention,  we  are  toldl 
it  would  be  a  fraud  upon  Great  Britain !     But 
will  argue  no  longer  a  proposition  so  consummately 
ridiculous.     If  making  laws  for  our  citizens  in  Ore- 
gon displeases  Great  Britain,  let  her  give  the  "no-J 
tice." 

But  while  some  gentlemen  think  our  reliance 
upon  time  inconsistent  with  good  faith,  oiliers  esJ 
teem  it  deceptive  and  futile.  What,  they  ask,  will 
delay  do  for  us  ?  What,  I  ask,  has  it  done  for  us 
since  1818?  It  has  increa.sed  ten  millions  of  peoj 
pie  to  twenty  millions;  covered  the  valley  of  th« 
Mississippi  with  a  warlike  race  of  men;  extendec 
population,  arts,  and  agriculture,  far  towards  thd 
region  of  Oregon.  Time  has,  in  all  respects,  adl 
vanced  our  strength,  relatively  to  Great  Britain  ano 
the  world.  The  last  three  years  have  sent  7,C" 
people  to  Oregon;  exceeding,  threefold,  the  BritisI 
residents  there.  If  we  had  had  forty  millions 
people,  Mr.  Polk  would  never  have  offered  to  cor 
promise  upon  49°;  and  if  we  had  had  twenty  millionl 
m  1818,  we  would  never  have  entered  into  the  cor 
vention;  for  twenty  millions  then  would  have  givej 
us  as  great  relative  strength  as  forty  millions  no\ 
These  are  the  things  that  time  is  doing;  and  thil 
progression  is,  in  all  respects,  still  steadily  anl 


6 


rapidly  onwftnl.  Ociiilt  men  urc  soiiftiljlc  of  this, 
and  liuvt!  cxputiutod  on  the  very  idia,  without 
being  conscionH  tliiy  wen:  nrgiiing  ii^uiiiMl  llinu- 
■civtH.  In  what  vivid  colors  has  the  gentleman 
from  Missouri  [Mr.  Bu\vi.in]  puintrd  the  growing; 

SreatnesH  and    fulvnc  grandeur  of  our  eountry  ? 
Lud  yet,  in  a  few  utomentN,  he  asks,  what  is  time 
going  to  do  for  us  towards  getting  Orejjon?     He 

K'cturvd  to  the  imni;iiiation  the  valley  of  the  Great 
iver,  in  a  politital  and  eonnnercinl  point  of 
view,  rising  in  colossal  magnifii'enre,  with  iiii  hun- 
dred millions  of  human  iteings,  and  innumerahic 
citieH,  and  marts  of  uninniginahle  wealth,  throwing 
the  petty  Atlantic  States  into  utter  insignifieanre 
by  the  OMitmst;  and  yet  he  gravely  asks,  what  is 
time  going  to  do  for  us?  lie  has  ga7.ed  at  our 
western  tideof  immigration,  now  heating  against  the 
Stony  mountains,  now  flowing  heyond  and  spread- 
ing over  the  great  geopraphic,  sl(»pc  of  the  Pacific 
oceun;  he  has  seen,  in  fiuicy,  our  children  going 
west,  instead  of  east,  to  Ja|)an  and  China,  and  has 
exhibited  to  our  wondering  vision  myriads  of  rich 
and  elegant  fabrics,  from  the  workshops  of  those 
ancient  peoples,  (numl)criii^  300,000,000,)  gorging 
every  storehouse  of  (uir  western  cfHitinent ;  and  still 
he  asks,  indignantly,  what  is  time  going  to  do  for 
us?  And  all  this  stupendous  future  he  represents 
to  be  close  at  hand,  looming,  as  it  were,  in  the  sen- 
sible horizon,  like  the  blue  eminence  of  the  Stony 
mountains.  But  he  docs  not  cease  to  exclaim,  im- 
patiently, what  is  tiiTie  going  to  do  for  us?  Why, 
sir,  can  it  be  possible,  that  the  honorable  member 
means  to  intimate,  that  these  .sublime  results,  this 
tremendous  destiny,  is  to  depend  upon  our  first 
gettini'  •"'  ■':etting  at  this  very  moment,  the  bar- 
ren de,  he  everlasting  snows,  the  mountain 
crags  ",            cms,  north  of  the  49th  parallel  ? 

Mr.  Chikirmnn,  it  is  l)ecause  I  have  a  degree  of 
fhith  in  the  gorgeous  picture  drawn  l)y  the  honor- 
oruble  member,  that  I  would,  confidently,  have  left 
this  matter  to  time.  Time,  which  is  to  bring  to 
pass  these  great  events,  will  bring  with  them,  and 
as  a  part  of  them,  Oregon — the  whole  of  Oregon. 
The  period  is  rapidly  approaching,  when  Great 
Britain  will  perceive  the  usclcssncss  of  attempting 
to  resist  our  claims — when,  in  the  language  of  the 
venerable  gentleman  from  Massachusetts,  in  1818, 
'•  all  hope  of  doing  so  will  have  vanished."  You 
will  thus  avoid  the  calamities  of  war,  and  yet  be 
iblc  to  make  your  own  terms.  You  may  take  the 
whole  of  Oregon,  if  you  think  you  are  entitled  to 
,he  whole.  England  will  be  at  your  mercy — at 
V'our  mercy  not  only  in  relation  to  Oregon,  but  all 
.he  possessiojis  she  has  upon  this  continent. 

Gentlemen  have  laid  down  the  proposition  that 
•the  notice  is  not  war  itself,  or  cause  of  war;" 
ind,  with  earnestness  and  gravity,  have  argued  out 
he  proposition.  I  shall  not  venture  a  rencontre 
ipon  this  point;  but  will  beg  gentlemen  to  listen  to 
.n  observation  or  two.  The  convention  of  1818 
vas,  in  the  language  of  the  venerable  gentleman 
rom  Massachu-setts,  ♦'  the  alternative  of  instant 
trar."  Now,  the  notice  w'ill  take  away  this  alter- 
ative; and  though  •'  not  war  itself  or  cause  of 
/ar,"  it  will  prove  it.self  a  most  potent  destroyer 
f  a  cause  of  peace.  In  1818,  the  cause  of  war  was 
le  disputed  title  to  Oregon.  1  he  notice  will  again 
ender  this  cause  active  and  operative,  and  leave 
o  alternative  but  negotiation  or  war.  And  I  be- 
eve  thert  arc  none  who  will  deny,  that,  if  we  in- 


sist on  our  claims  to  54°  40',  negotiations  will  be 
impossible,  and  war  inevitable.  I,  therefore,  feel 
at  liberty  to  say,  that  all  win)  vote  for  this  notice, 
with  a  view  to  claim  the  whole  territory,  knowing* 
ly  vote  for  war;  and  they  ought,  in  candor,  to  admit 
ine  fact,  and  not  deceive  the  country- 
Mr.  Chairman,  it  is  a  remarkable  fact,  that  al- 
though I  stand  here  in  a  minority,  the  views  I  en- 
tertain and  policy  I  advocate  meet  the  approbation 
of  a  large  majority  of  this  body  and  of  the  other 
branch  of  the  National  Legislature.  I  know  what 
I  am  saying,  and  I  know  the  ground  uptm  which 
I  stand  when  I  say  ii.  The  great  majority  of  the 
Whigs,  if  not  all  of  them,  admit,  I  think,  that  the 
lime  had  not  come  for  abrogating  the  convention, 
and  deprecate  the  agitatirm  of  this  (picslion;  but 
they  say,  now  that  the  matter  is  .set  on  foi>t,  the 
sooner  we  get  rid  of  it  the  better.  Well,  sir,  the 
veneral)lc  gentleman  from  Massachusetts,  [Mr. 
AuAM8,]  the  author  of  the  convention  of  1818,  and 
its  renewal  in  1827,  still  believes  it  the  true  policy 
for  getting  the  whole  of  Oregon,  and  he  has  aban- 
doned that  policy  solely  on  account  of  the  admis- 
sion of  Texas  into  the  Union;  and  this  I  will  prove 
out  of  his  own  mouth.  At  the  last  session  of  Con- 
gress, in  debating  the  Oregon  bill  reported  by  Mr. 
Brown,  of  Tennessee,  the  venerable  member  said: 
•'  At  the  last  session  I  was  not  prejmred  to  act 

•  upon  this  subject  at  all.    I  was  not  then  prepared 

•  to  i\grcc  to  a  termination  of  the  joint  occupancy 
'  of  that  territory  (Oregon;)  but  I  am  ready  now 

•  to  do  so,  and  am  sati-sfied  this  subject  should  now 
'be  settled."  *  •  •  •  <<  I  am  as  much  as  any 
'  member  of  this  House  for  bringing  this  issue  to 

•  a  point." 

Again,  in  his  next  speech  on  that  occasion,  the 
honorable  gentleman  said: 

•'  It  wos  not  without  much  serious  deliberation 

•  that  I  came  to  the  determination,  before  this  debate 
'  commenced,  to  agree  to  give  notice  to  the  British 
'  Government  that  this  tiling  must  be  settled." 

The  Oregon  debate,  at  the  last  session,  com- 
menced two  days  after  the  passage  by  the  House 
of  the  Texas  resolutions;  and  by  considering  care- 
fully the  extracts  I  have  read,  it  will  appear  that 
during  that  short  interval,  or  thereabouts,  the 
views  of  the  venerable  gentleman  in  regard  to  Ore- 
gon underwent  a  radical  change.  Just  before  then, 
"  he  was  not  prepared  to  act  at  all"  on  the  subject 
of  Oregon;  then  "  he  was  as  much  as  any  member 
of  this  House  for  bringing  this  issue  to  a  point." 
But  I  need  not  labor  to  connect  the  gentleman's 
purposes  in  regard  to  Oregon  with  his  sentiments 
concerning  Texas.  He  himself  hos  made  the  thing 
sufficiently  manifest.  In  the  conclusion  of  the 
speech  alluded  to,  he  uses  the  following  remark- 
able  language: 

"  He  wished  to  have  the  reasons  given  to  the 

•  world  for  our  taking  seven  degrees  of  latitude, 
'  and  perhaps  more;  and  when  we  took  it,  too,  he 
'  hoped  we  should  have  it  defined  geographically, 
'  denned  politically,  and,  more  than  all  the  rest, 
'  defined  morally.'^ 

Who  does  not  remember  the  vehement  empha- 
sis with  which  the  venerable  gentleman  announced 
the  word  morally.  If  what  I  have  stated  is  not 
satisfactory,  go  read  carefliUy  the  speeches  to 
which  I  have  alluded,  and  the  proof  will  be  found 
so  perfectly  conclusive,  that  the  venerable  gentle- 


man Cf 
fart,  w 
of  hon 
sidcrer 
north, 
is  one 
tion : 
eil  the 
abidin< 
true  ai 
the  j' 


tun  will  1)0 
rfTi»iT,  fuel 
lii.t  nniire, 
,  knowing- 
>r,  to  ntliiut 

ft,  tlint  nl- 
r'u'WH  I  en- 
|)prol)ntion 
r  tlie  other 
[now  wliat 
|)on  wliich 
rity  of  the 
k,  llint  the 
i>iiv«'iition, 
Htioii;  but 
I  foot,  the 
II,  sir,  the 
;ttH,   [Mr. 
1818,  niid 
rue  policy 
Urn*  nbnn* 
he  ndmis- 
will  prove 
>ri  of  Con- 
'i\  by  Mr. 
liber  said: 
red  to  net 
I  prepared 
iccupnney 
•ady  now 
lould  now 
r\\  as  any 
s  issue  to 

ision,  the 

iberation 
Ihis  debate 
British 
led." 

)n,  com- 
e  House 
•ing  care- 
lear  that 
>uts,  the 
d  to  Ore- 
brc  then, 
!  subject 
member 
I  point." 
tieman's 
lUimcnls 
tiie  thing 
of  the 
rcmark- 

1  to  the 
latitude, 
,  too,  he 
)hically, 
he  rest, 

empha- 
lounced 
I  is  not 
clics  to 
c  found 
gentle- 


man rouM  not,  in  the  fare  of  this  Hoiwc,  deny  the 
fart,  without  jeopurdiziii'^  bin  <-harnr,ti'r  as  a  mmi 
of  honor.  Doubtless  the  hon(»ral>Ie  ijontlemttti  con- 
sidered it  perfectly  fair  to  ;;ct  additional  territory 
north,  tocounlerpoiseTeXiw  in  the  Kouih.  But  there 
is  one  consideration  worthy  of  your  special  atten- 
tion: the  honorable  gentleman  nas  himself  afford- 
ed the  mo!<l  conclusive  evideni;e  that  the  settled  and 
abiding  conviction  of  his  mind  has  been,  that  the 
tme  and  effectual  policy  for  securing  Oregon,  is 
the  joint-occupancy  scheme.  Now,  if  it  be,  in 
renin y,  the  ol)ject  of  the  h(moralilc  gentleman  to 
save  i)it"j;im,  why  should  he,  on  account  of  Texas, 
abandun  that  oolicy?  Why  not,  rather,  adhere 
the  closer  to  it?  (!an  it  be  that  the  honorable  gen- 
tleman has  been  reasoning,  as  all  prudent  and  sa- 
gacious men  have  been  reasoning  altoiil  this  city, 
that  a  war  with  Great  Hritain  would  end  in  the 
loss  of  Oregon,  ami  llie  acrjui-iiiion  of  New  Bruns- 
wick and  the  Canadas?  Good  backing  for  the 
t'aslern  States  against  both  the  Houth  and  the 
West ! 

I  could  bring  to  the  attention  of  the  eommillee 
other  collateral  causes  that  have  aided  in  generating 
this  large  majority  for  the  notice;  but  I  forbear. 

1  have,  however,  a  matter  to  propound  to  certain 
of  my  western  friends,  who  have  signalized  them- 
selves in  this  debate,  as  going  fi>r  the  •'  whole  of 
Oregon^'"'  and  a  little  l>eyond,  to  make  it  al)Rolutely 
certain,  they  get  enough.  Some  three  or  four  of 
these  gentlemen,  the  most  ultra  of  all,  do  admit 
the  fact,  that  Mr.  Piilk  having  offered  the  49lh 

1)arallel,  will  iie  bound  to  accept  it,  if  it  should  now 
)e  oflered  by  Great  Britain.  And  they  acknowl- 
cdi::e  they  would  feel  bound  to  sustain  him  in  the 
fact.  Now,  if  lho!»e  genlUinen  are  sincere  in  pro- 
fessing to  go  for  more  of  Oregon  than  the  rest  of 
us,  why  will  they,  by  passing  this  notice,  force 
on  negotiations  uttdcr  auspices  so  unfavorable .' 
Why  V.  ill  tlw  y,  by  itiukliig  an  issue  that  may  lead 
to  war,  put  Great  Britain  under  the  urgent  motives 
the  alternative  of  war  w«iuld  present,  to  make  the 
proposal  which  Mr.  Polk  is  bound  to  accept?  If 
this  notice  be  not,  with  them,  a  mere  humuug;  if 
this  cry  for  the  "  whole  or  none"  be  anything 
else  than  a  political  hobby,  why  will  not  gentle- 
men permit  this  matter  to  lie  over,  until  a  new  Ad- 
ministration shall  come  in  unconnnitted  to  49^. 
Am  I  to  suspect  that  gentlemen  are  really  anxious 
for  the  settlement  of  this  question,  and  to  be  re- 
lieved of  its  terrible  responsibilities;  and  that  this 
whole-hoffism  is  only  meant  to  be  used  hereafter  as 
an  ex  post  facto  hobby  in  elections;  when,  having 
been  opposed  to  giving  up  any  part  of  Oregon,  is 
to  constitute  a  high  claim  to  office;  just  as  lioving 
f'ftn  opposed  to  the  northeastern  boundary  treaty 
seems,  at  this  time,  in  certain  quarters,  tr)  be  relied 
on  as  constituting  a  meritorious  claim  to  popular 
favor  ? 

I  have  not,  Mr.  Chairman,  thought  proper  to 
argue  the  question  of  title.  It  is  not  properly  be- 
fore the  committee.  The  question  here  is  as  lo  the 
most  elfeclual  means  of  securing  our  rights  inOre- 

fon.  We  are  not  debating  rights,  but  remedies, 
have  investigated  the  matter  (^f  title  laboriously, 
and  have  come  to  conclusions  satisfactory  to  my- 
self. And  I  think  we  should  never  give  up  any 
portion  of  the  territory  south  of  49°.  But  the  peo- 
ple, having  to  do  the  fighting  if  war  come,  and  be- 
ing, therefore,  entitled  to  decide  for  themselves 


whether  there  shall  be  war,  and  how  mucii  of  Ore- 
gon they  can  conscicniifnislypo  to  war  for;  should, 
when  they  take  the  matter  in  hand,  be  pottsessed 
of  the  full  argument  mi  both  sides.  And  as  the 
letters  of  Messrs.  Calhoun  and  Biichi*  inn  have 
been  sent  forth,  I  deem  it  nroper  to  8ii;''gcnt  that 
their  arguments  were  intenticd  for  the  British  Min- 
ister, and  not  for  the  puldic;  and  if  you  flup|>oM 
they  considered  all  they  said  •\n  gosoel,  you  never 
labored  under  a  greater  mistake.  What  ore  the 
circumstances  ?  Here  is  a  eoinrovcrsy  about  land 
between  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States.  The 
United  States  engage  Messrs.  Calhoun  and  Buchan- 
an to  argue  our  side  of  the  question;  Great  Brit- 
ain appoints  Mr.  Pakcnhain  to  argue  hers.  Now, 
it  was  the  business  of  each  to  make  the  most  of  his 
side  of  the  question.  This  in  the  practice  of  law- 
yers the  world  over.  If  Mr.  Pakenham  left  hia 
side  unargued,  it  was  not  .Mr.  Calhoun's  business 
to  .irgiic  it  for  him.  I  would  not  insinuate  that 
our  'r'ecretaries  suited  anything  that  was  not  true. 
I  mean  to  say,  it  was  their  duty  to  sum  up  the 
facts  and  considerations  in  our  favor,  and  nothing 
besides.  But  when  the  argument  shall  be  taken 
out  of  diplomacy,  and  committed  to  the  people, 
they  will  act  in  the  character  of  judges;  and  a  judge 
should  always  hear  both  sides  of  a  question  fuUy 
and  fairly  stated,  especially  if  he  i.i  al)oiit  to  dccidle 
upon  his  own  rights. 

Mr.  Chairman,  the  prominent  position  held  by 
the  venerable  gentleman  from  .Massachusetts  upon 
this  questitin,  the  reliance  which  the  friends  of 
'♦  n(»tice"  seem  to  place  upon  his  co-operation,  and 
the  great  weight  his  name  is  likely  to  have  with 
the  comniunily  and  the  world,  make  it  my  duly, 
as  I  conceive,  to  take  some  further  notice  of  hia 
course  in  this  matter.  All  eyes  liere  are  turned 
towards  him ;  all  encomium  and  adulation  are 
heaped  upon  him;  and,  indeed,  if  anyone  here 
iiitiy  \)c  ctllcd  a  leadi^r,  he  is,  un<iueslioitably,  that 
person.  The  venerable  gentleman  professes  to  be 
the  friend  of  peace;  but  look,  sir,  at  his  conduct. 
Last  winter  he  pronounced  the  notice  a  war  meaa* 
ure;  calling  it  a  "  tcrrilde  question."  Nor  can  he 
pretend  it  was  an  inadvertency;  for  the  point  be- 
fore the  House  was,  whether  the  power  to  give 
the  notioc  was  with  the  Congress,  or  with  the 
President;  and  his  whole  argument  in  favor  of  the 
power  being  in  Congress,  rested  upon  the  single 
proposition  that  ihe  "notice  was  war."  His  ef- 
fort, at  that  time,  was  to  postpone  action  until 
Greenliow's  book,  ordered  by  the  House,  could 
be  procured,  and  the  people  made  acquainted  with 
the  evidence  of  our  title.  This  ex  parte  argument 
would,  he  supposed,  stimulate  the  popular  mind 
up  to  54°  40'.  Let  his  speech  be  consulted.  Well, 
sir,  havin;;  carried  this  point  most  successfully, 
he  now  tells  you  to  ••  pass  the  notice;  it  is  per- 
fectly pe;iceful;  no  harm  in  it." 

Thus  the  only  important  objection  isjainst  notice 
being  removed,  he  then  assures  you  that  you  can 
pass  no  laws  in  relation  to  Oregon  until  you  have 
first  given  the  notice;  leaving  you  no  alternative, 
but  to  give  the  notice,  or  abandon  utterly  your 
people  there,  and  every  measure  to  promote  the 
settlement  of  the  country:  notwithstanding  he, 
himself,  in  1825,  recommended  certain  laws  to  be 
pas-^ed  on  the  sul)ject,  and  notwithstanding,  too, 
the  British  Government  admitted  our  right  to  make 
needful  laws,   and  denied  expressly  that  Great 


8 


I 

I 
I 

I 

t 

i 

I 

e 

« 
t 

• 

1 

11 
id 

u 

i 

I 

W 


Britain  intended  to  **  nrcvent  the  progi-csR  of  Amor-  '  snmc  impnrt  to  Great  Britain,  upon  the  nupnoiition 
ican  settlements."  By  nil  tiuH,  he  would  pcrHiiadc  lliiit  INIr.  I'olk  uhuiild  Mtnnd  firm.  TIiuh  uurN  he 
you  that  the  notice  is  both  n  hiirmlesH  thin;;  and 


an  indivpen^iiiblo  thing;  and,  aa  aiich,  of  counie  no 
one  could  heaitntc  to  vote  for  it.  Conceiving,  then, 
the  convention  to  be  abrog;ntud  and  the  contont  to 
be  brought  to  a  point,  the  next  oltjcct  to  bo  attain- 
ed is,  to  excite  trie  two  nations  to  tne  moat  uncom- 
Eromisin^  pertinacity  in  their  rc8|)cctivo  demundu. 
[c  therefore,  in  terms  of  taunt  and  derision,  pre- 
dicts that  if  Great  Britain  should  stand  firm,  *'Mr. 
Polk  and  the  Democratic  party  will  back  out." 
He  then  turns  about,  and  apj>lic8  language  of  the 


aim  to  nettle  each  party  to  the  conflict,  by  all  those 
powerful  impulses  that  spring  ftom  national  pride 
and  Hensil)ility.  Two  haughty  and  imperious  na- 
tions, that  would  rather  sutler  annihilation  than 
be  humbled  and  aliased  before  tlic  world.  And 
yet  the  vrneral>le  gentleman  says  he  is  opposed  to 
war.  He  opposed  to  war !  What  more  could  he, 
or  any  one  man,  have  done, 
bloody  catastrophe  ? 


to  bring  about  the 


[Here  the  Speaker's  hammer  fell.] 


k 

:t 
V 

r> 
t 

t 
.1 

9 
C 

14 


'  auppoBttion 
Ims  dors  he 
,  by  all  thoHc 
ilionni  pride 
nperioua  nn- 
liiltttioii  tliiin 
vurld.  And 
H  opposed  to 
)tc  could  he, 
g  nbout  the 


